Tag Archives: Fur trade

Oregon Country

From Merk’s introduction to Fur Trade and Empire:

The accompanying journal of George Simpson [1792–1860] is a memoir of trade and of empire. The author was Governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company Territories in America, and as such, director of the economic life of the greater part of what is now the Dominion of Canada and the Pacific Northwest of the United States. At the time of writing this journal he was primarily interested in the task of rehabilitating the fur trade of one section of this vast empire, the Oregon Country, stretching westward from the Rocky Mountains to the sea and from California to Alaska. His account opens with his embarkation in a North canoe on Hudson Bay bound for the Pacific and for the work of reorganizing this trade. He gives a lively narrative of his swift journey across the continent, with comments interspersed on the state of trade along his route. In Oregon the record becomes a memoir of Indian life, of trade problems, of the slashing reforms by which he revived a demoralized and profitless industry, and of his plans for holding possession of the country against any future competition of Americans.…

The Oregon Country, which is the central theme of the document, was in 1824-25 a region in dispute. Not only was it contended for by Great Britain and the United States, but it was claimed also by the Russian Czar, though he was preparing in 1824-25 to give up such rights as he had there for recognition of his sovereignty north of the parallel of 54° 40′. Governor Simpson was ambitious to win the Oregon Country, or as much of it as possible, for Great Britain and for the Hudson’s Bay Company.

Peace came by way of a coalition agreement entered into in London in 1821. In the merger the Hudson’s Bay Company retained its identity; it took over the assets of the North West Company, evaluated like its own at €200,000, and to finance the consolidation doubled its outstanding stock. The charter and the ancient privileges of the Hudson’s Bay Company remained undisturbed. To the privileges a princely addition was made. The British government as a reward for the peace and as a means of preventing any future outbreak of war conferred upon the reorganized Company, under an act of Parliament of 1821, exclusive trading rights for twenty-one years in all that part of British North America lying between Rupert’s Land and the Rocky Mountains, and, in addition, the sole British trading rights in the whole of the Oregon Country. Thus the entire area which is now the Dominion of Canada excepting only the valley of the St. Lawrence and the maritime provinces was, after 1821, under the control of the Hudson’s Bay Company, either as proprietor or as possessor of exclusive trading rights, and besides the Company held sole British rights of trade in all of what is now the Pacific Northwest of the United States.

The Company divided this empire, for purposes of trade, into four great Departments. Of these the Northern Department of Rupert’s Land was the largest and most important, embracing the area lying between the Arctic Ocean on the north, the United States on the south, Hudson Bay on the east and the Rocky Mountains on the west, together with New Caledonia west of the mountains. The Southern Department extended from James Bay southward to the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, and also East Main, the eastern slope of Hudson Bay. The Montreal Department comprised whatever business was done in the Canadas, and included the Kings Posts, and at a later date part of Labrador. The Columbia Department embraced the valley of the Columbia and after 1825 the province lying to the north of it — New Caledonia. Departments such as these were principalities! (1)

References:

  • 1. Simpson, George [1792–1860], and Merk, Frederick [1887–1977], editor. Fur trade and empire. George Simpson’s journal entitled Remarks connected with fur trade in consequence of a voyage from York Factory to Fort George and back to York Factory 1824-25. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1931, vii. University of British Columbia Library

George Simpson

George Simpson [1792–1860]

b. 1792 — Loch Broom, Ross-Shire, Scotland
d. 1860

From Merk’s introduction to Fur Trade and Empire:

George Simpson who stood at the head of this great field organization [Hudson’s Bay Company was in 1821 a man with a future rather than a past. He was the illegitimate son of George Simpson, born at Loch Broom in Ross-shire, Scotland, in 1792. Of his early life little is known except that he was given a fair education, was brought to London in 1809, and as a clerk entered the employ of a firm engaged in the West India trade. His native heath in the early nineteenth century was a nursery ground for North American fur-trade leaders, but his own entrance into the industry was the result of his having attracted the favorable notice of Andrew Colvile, an influential member and later governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company. In the spring of 1820 he was sent by the Hudson’s Bay Company to the Athabasca Country to acquire experience in the Indian trade, and there he spent the winter of 1820-21. At that time the war with the North West Company was in the litigation stage, and Governor Williams was under indictment in the courts of Lower Canada. In order to be prepared for the contingency of his removal to Quebec, the Hudson’s Bay Company, in November, 1820, appointed Simpson governor locum tenens. At the coalition, at the age of twenty-nine, he was promoted to joint governorship, with Williams, of the Company Territories, with special charge of the Northern Department of Rupert’s Land including the Department of the Columbia. By 1826 he was governor-in-chief of all the Hudson’s Bay Company Territories in America.

To be governor of the Northern Department of Rupert’s Land in 1821 was to be brought face to face with harassing problems of post-war reconstruction. Rupert’s Land was strewn with the wreckage of battle. There was material wreckage in the form of exhaustion of fur preserves, the duplication of trading posts and the multiplication of equipment and men. More difficult to cope with was the psychological wreckage, mutual bitterness and hate of subordinates of the old companies now brought together in the coalition, habits of drunkenness which competition had fostered among the Indians, relaxed habits of discipline among servants, and the propensity to waste and extravagance formed by the whole fur-trading community. These were the rehabilitation problems of the new governor and they were a test of his quality.

He came to his task with an intellectual equipment that promised much for his success. He had, to be sure, only scant experience in Rupert’s Land, but that was an element of strength rather than of weakness in 1821 since it had as its corollary freedom from the rancors of the war. Indeed, it was one of the chief reasons for appointing him rather than his senior colleague to the great Northern Department. He combined with a sure judgment an exterior of affability that enabled him to heal old wounds and to reconcile men to a new order. As an administrator his talents were exceptional. He had the imaginative vision of a Clive; he drew his plans on a scale that was continental. With vision he combined a grasp of detail that was extraordinary. There was no element of the fur trade from the Athabasca Country to the Sandwich Islands, from Hudson Bay to the steppes of Siberia, that he did not acquaint himself with by personal visit. He was a dynamo of energy, tireless at his work, whether at his desk or on the march. His journeys were famous for their speed; on the present voyage, though he took a route that was unfavorable in passing from Hudson Bay to the Columbia and lost many days by halts for business, he cut the record for the distance from 104 days to 84. On his return, to save time in an emergency, he made a perilous and exhausting overland march from Carlton to the Red River Settlement. His party, when it met relief within a half-day’s march of the Settlement, was half famished and utterly spent, but not the Governor. Without pausing for food or rest he threw himself upon a horse brought by the relief party and galloped off to his duties at Fort Garry. He put the spurs as remorselessly to his subordinates, high and low, as to himself. There is an unsubstantiated legend, which used to circulate in the Red River Colony, that on one occasion his goading drove one of his favorite voyageurs to the point of seizing him by the collar, lifting him into the water, and holding him there until he promised to relent his pace.
With drive he combined a penchant for orderliness, a product of his counting-house experience and a source of frequent discomfiture to unsystematic clerks and post officials whose accounts he examined on his unannounced tours of inspection through the country. He was the never wearying apostle of economy. To be wasteful or to indulge in what he called “luxuries,” which were ordinary European supplies, were offences that grated like a rasp on his Scotch soul. “One would think,” is his indignant reply to a requisition sent in by a post officer for mustard, “from the quantity you order, that it is intended to be used in the Indian trade.” From Merk’s introduction to Fur Trade and Empire:

George Simpson who stood at the head of this great field organization [Hudson’s Bay Company was in 1821 a man with a future rather than a past. He was the illegitimate son of George Simpson, born at Loch Broom in Ross-shire, Scotland, in 1792. Of his early life little is known except that he was given a fair education, was brought to London in 1809, and as a clerk entered the employ of a firm engaged in the West India trade. His native heath in the early nineteenth century was a nursery ground for North American fur-trade leaders, but his own entrance into the industry was the result of his having attracted the favorable notice of Andrew Colvile, an influential member and later governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company. In the spring of 1820 he was sent by the Hudson’s Bay Company to the Athabasca Country to acquire experience in the Indian trade, and there he spent the winter of 1820-21. At that time the war with the North West Company was in the litigation stage, and Governor Williams was under indictment in the courts of Lower Canada. In order to be prepared for the contingency of his removal to Quebec, the Hudson’s Bay Company, in November, 1820, appointed Simpson governor locum tenens. At the coalition, at the age of twenty-nine, he was promoted to joint governorship, with Williams, of the Company Territories, with special charge of the Northern Department of Rupert’s Land including the Department of the Columbia. By 1826 he was governor-in-chief of all the Hudson’s Bay Company Territories in America.

To be governor of the Northern Department of Rupert’s Land in 1821 was to be brought face to face with harassing problems of post-war reconstruction. Rupert’s Land was strewn with the wreckage of battle. There was material wreckage in the form of exhaustion of fur preserves, the duplication of trading posts and the multiplication of equipment and men. More difficult to cope with was the psychological wreckage, mutual bitterness and hate of subordinates of the old companies now brought together in the coalition, habits of drunkenness which competition had fostered among the Indians, relaxed habits of discipline among servants, and the propensity to waste and extravagance formed by the whole fur-trading community. These were the rehabilitation problems of the new governor and they were a test of his quality.

He came to his task with an intellectual equipment that promised much for his success. He had, to be sure, only scant experience in Rupert’s Land, but that was an element of strength rather than of weakness in 1821 since it had as its corollary freedom from the rancors of the war. Indeed, it was one of the chief reasons for appointing him rather than his senior colleague to the great Northern Department. He combined with a sure judgment an exterior of affability that enabled him to heal old wounds and to reconcile men to a new order. As an administrator his talents were exceptional. He had the imaginative vision of a Clive; he drew his plans on a scale that was continental. With vision he combined a grasp of detail that was extraordinary. There was no element of the fur trade from the Athabasca Country to the Sandwich Islands, from Hudson Bay to the steppes of Siberia, that he did not acquaint himself with by personal visit. He was a dynamo of energy, tireless at his work, whether at his desk or on the march. His journeys were famous for their speed; on the present voyage, though he took a route that was unfavorable in passing from Hudson Bay to the Columbia and lost many days by halts for business, he cut the record for the distance from 104 days to 84. On his return, to save time in an emergency, he made a perilous and exhausting overland march from Carlton to the Red River Settlement. His party, when it met relief within a half-day’s march of the Settlement, was half famished and utterly spent, but not the Governor. Without pausing for food or rest he threw himself upon a horse brought by the relief party and galloped off to his duties at Fort Garry. He put the spurs as remorselessly to his subordinates, high and low, as to himself. There is an unsubstantiated legend, which used to circulate in the Red River Colony, that on one occasion his goading drove one of his favorite voyageurs to the point of seizing him by the collar, lifting him into the water, and holding him there until he promised to relent his pace.
With drive he combined a penchant for orderliness, a product of his counting-house experience and a source of frequent discomfiture to unsystematic clerks and post officials whose accounts he examined on his unannounced tours of inspection through the country. He was the never wearying apostle of economy. To be wasteful or to indulge in what he called “luxuries,” which were ordinary European supplies, were offences that grated like a rasp on his Scotch soul. “One would think,” is his indignant reply to a requisition sent in by a post officer for mustard, “from the quantity you order, that it is intended to be used in the Indian trade.”
From Merk’s introduction to Fur Trade and Empire:

George Simpson who stood at the head of this great field organization [Hudson’s Bay Company was in 1821 a man with a future rather than a past. He was the illegitimate son of George Simpson, born at Loch Broom in Ross-shire, Scotland, in 1792. Of his early life little is known except that he was given a fair education, was brought to London in 1809, and as a clerk entered the employ of a firm engaged in the West India trade. His native heath in the early nineteenth century was a nursery ground for North American fur-trade leaders, but his own entrance into the industry was the result of his having attracted the favorable notice of Andrew Colvile, an influential member and later governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company. In the spring of 1820 he was sent by the Hudson’s Bay Company to the Athabasca Country to acquire experience in the Indian trade, and there he spent the winter of 1820-21. At that time the war with the North West Company was in the litigation stage, and Governor Williams was under indictment in the courts of Lower Canada. In order to be prepared for the contingency of his removal to Quebec, the Hudson’s Bay Company, in November, 1820, appointed Simpson governor locum tenens. At the coalition, at the age of twenty-nine, he was promoted to joint governorship, with Williams, of the Company Territories, with special charge of the Northern Department of Rupert’s Land including the Department of the Columbia. By 1826 he was governor-in-chief of all the Hudson’s Bay Company Territories in America.

To be governor of the Northern Department of Rupert’s Land in 1821 was to be brought face to face with harassing problems of post-war reconstruction. Rupert’s Land was strewn with the wreckage of battle. There was material wreckage in the form of exhaustion of fur preserves, the duplication of trading posts and the multiplication of equipment and men. More difficult to cope with was the psychological wreckage, mutual bitterness and hate of subordinates of the old companies now brought together in the coalition, habits of drunkenness which competition had fostered among the Indians, relaxed habits of discipline among servants, and the propensity to waste and extravagance formed by the whole fur-trading community. These were the rehabilitation problems of the new governor and they were a test of his quality.

He came to his task with an intellectual equipment that promised much for his success. He had, to be sure, only scant experience in Rupert’s Land, but that was an element of strength rather than of weakness in 1821 since it had as its corollary freedom from the rancors of the war. Indeed, it was one of the chief reasons for appointing him rather than his senior colleague to the great Northern Department. He combined with a sure judgment an exterior of affability that enabled him to heal old wounds and to reconcile men to a new order. As an administrator his talents were exceptional. He had the imaginative vision of a Clive; he drew his plans on a scale that was continental. With vision he combined a grasp of detail that was extraordinary. There was no element of the fur trade from the Athabasca Country to the Sandwich Islands, from Hudson Bay to the steppes of Siberia, that he did not acquaint himself with by personal visit. He was a dynamo of energy, tireless at his work, whether at his desk or on the march. His journeys were famous for their speed; on the present voyage, though he took a route that was unfavorable in passing from Hudson Bay to the Columbia and lost many days by halts for business, he cut the record for the distance from 104 days to 84. On his return, to save time in an emergency, he made a perilous and exhausting overland march from Carlton to the Red River Settlement. His party, when it met relief within a half-day’s march of the Settlement, was half famished and utterly spent, but not the Governor. Without pausing for food or rest he threw himself upon a horse brought by the relief party and galloped off to his duties at Fort Garry. He put the spurs as remorselessly to his subordinates, high and low, as to himself. There is an unsubstantiated legend, which used to circulate in the Red River Colony, that on one occasion his goading drove one of his favorite voyageurs to the point of seizing him by the collar, lifting him into the water, and holding him there until he promised to relent his pace.
With drive he combined a penchant for orderliness, a product of his counting-house experience and a source of frequent discomfiture to unsystematic clerks and post officials whose accounts he examined on his unannounced tours of inspection through the country. He was the never wearying apostle of economy. To be wasteful or to indulge in what he called “luxuries,” which were ordinary European supplies, were offences that grated like a rasp on his Scotch soul. “One would think,” is his indignant reply to a requisition sent in by a post officer for mustard, “from the quantity you order, that it is intended to be used in the Indian trade.” (1)

Sources of biographical information about Simpson:

Events in the Mount Robson region in which Simpson was involved:

  • 1824 Simpson recrossing Athabasca Pass
  • 1824 Simpson and Ross cross Athabasca Pass from west
  • 1826 Simpson orders use of YHP
  • 1828 Simpson’s voyage from Hudson’s Bay to Pacific
Works pertinent to the Mount Robson region of which Simpson was author or co-author:

  • —  and Merk, Frederick [1887–1977], editor. Fur trade and empire. George Simpson’s journal entitled Remarks connected with fur trade in consequence of a voyage from York Factory to Fort George and back to York Factory 1824-25. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1931. University of British Columbia Library
References:

  • 1. Simpson, George [1792–1860], and Merk, Frederick [1887–1977], editor. Fur trade and empire. George Simpson’s journal entitled Remarks connected with fur trade in consequence of a voyage from York Factory to Fort George and back to York Factory 1824-25. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1931. University of British Columbia Library

Brûlé Lake

Alberta. Lake: Athabasca River drainage
Widening of Athabasca River north of Jasper
53.2833 N 117.85 W — Map 083F05 — GoogleGeoHack
Name officially adopted in 1944
Topo map from Canadian Geographical Names

In 1813 the North West Company established a post on Brûlé Lake as a “provision depot with the view of facilitating the passage of the mountains through Athabasca Pass.” By 1817, Jasper House was on the west shore of the lake, according to Ross Cox [1793–1853].

James Hector [1834–1907] wrote of his explorations in January 1859:

At three o’clock we reached the point where the Athabasca emerges from “Lac à brulé,” which lies at the base of the mountains, which rise from its western shore at least 3,000 feet. This lake was swept by such a violent wind from the south that we could hardly make way against it over the smooth ice. Its eastern shore is formed of immense sand-hills; and as we reached its upper part we found the ice so covered with the same material that the dogs could hardly pull the sleds.

Frederick Arthur Ambrose Talbot [1880–1924] makes the following comments on the construction of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway in the area around 1911:

Here and there the builders were confronted by tremendous difficulties, such as in the vicinity of Brule Lake, at the entrance to the Rockies. This sheet of water is in reality an enlargement of the Athabaska River, the southern bank being deeply indented, and the soil a light sand. The railway skirts the southern bank, and in order to preserve the grade, heavy embankment work was requisite. The remarkable feature of this sheet of water is that it is always swept by a wind which at times assumes the fury of a gale. Even at the time of my arrival in mid- summer, when the air a few hundred yards inland was oppressively still, a keen breeze played across this lake. This peculiarity is attributed to the fact that the expanse lies in the path of the funnel formed by the passage of the river through the mountains, and through this constricted channel the wind is forced to make its way like a huge draught, to expend its force upon this area of water. Be that as it may, its existence resulted in a pretty battle between Nature and the engineers, and the struggle for supremacy lasted a long time.

As fast as the sand was excavated from a cutting and dumped to form an embankment, it was picked up by the wind and driven back again. On this short length of line around the lake there are two notable pieces of work, a cutting from which 87,000 cubic yards were removed, and an embankment built up of 117,000 cubic yards. The broad, high surface of the latter suffered from the full force of the wind, which picked up the sand in dense clouds and drove it irresistibly forward into the cut. At last the engineers erected a series of screens which deflected the eddying, circling wind laden with dust, the latter falling helplessly against these obstructions, and in time forming a natural protection to the cutting. So far as the slope of the embankment was concerned, the expedient of protect- ing its surface with scrub was adopted and found to be highly successful.

References:

  • Cox, Ross [1793–1853]. Adventures on the Columbia River, including the narrative of a residence of six years on the western side of the Rocky Mountains, among various tribes of Indians hitherto unknown: together with a journey across the American continent. 1831. University of British Columbia Library
  • Hector, James [1834–1907]; Palliser, John [1817–1887]; Spry, Irene Mary Biss [1907–1998], editor. The papers of the Palliser Expedition 1857-1860. Toronto: Publications of the Champlain Society XLIV, 1968. Internet Archive
  • Talbot, Frederick Arthur Ambrose [1880–1924]. The making of a great Canadian railway. The story of the search for and discovery of the route, and the construction of the nearly completed Grand Trunk Pacific Railway from the Atlantic to the Pacific with some account of the hardships and stirring adventures of its constructors in unexplored country. London: Seely, 1912, p. 193. Internet Archive
Also see:

Jasper House

Alberta. Former fur trade post and railway point
34 km NE of Jasper on Canadian National Railway
53.1383 N 117.9806 W — Map 083F04 — GoogleGeoHack
Not currently an official name.
40 miles east of the Yellowhead Pass on the Canadian National Railway
Jasper House East Side Rocky Mountains
Paul Kane. Field sketch, November 7, 1847

Jasper House East Side Rocky Mountains
Paul Kane. Field sketch, November 7, 1847
Wikipedia

Also called ”Jasper’s House.”
References:

  • Kane, Paul [1810–1871]. Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America. From Canada to Vancouver’s Island and Oregon through the Hudson’s Bay Company’s territory and back again. London: Longman, Brown, 1859. Internet Archive

Mackenzie River

Alberta. River: Mackenzie River drainage
Flows northwest from Great Slave Lake into the Arctic Ocean
69.25 N 134.1361 W — Map 107C07 — GoogleGeoHack
Name officially adopted in 1982
Official in Canada

Scottish explorer Alexander Mackenzie [1764–1820] travelled the river in 1798 the hope it would lead to the Pacific Ocean, but instead reached its mouth on the Arctic Ocean on 14 July 1789. There is a story, likely apocryphal, that he named it “Disappointment River”, but eventually it was named after him.

Mackenzie was also the first European to cross North America north of Mexico. In 1793 the North West Company of Montréal approved Mackenzie’s plan to search for a route to the Pacific Ocean to facilitate the fur trade. Starting in northern Alberta, Mackenzie led a company up the Peace River. They crossed from the Arctic watershed to the Pacific over an unnamed pass that led to the Fraser River, which Mackenzie assumed to be the Columbia River, the Fraser then but little known. South of the big bend in the Fraser, the party headed west over land and reached salt water. Mackenzie concluded that the route was impractical.

“Mackenzie River / Fleuve Mackenzie” is among the 75 “Pan-Canadian names,” large and well-known Canadian features and areas designated in Treasury Board Circular 1983-58 to require presentation in both official languages of Canada on federal maps. In French, a fleuve is a river that flows into an ocean or sea.

References:

Henry House

Alberta. Former locality and railway point
Approximately 12 km north ofJasper
52.9867 N 118.0628 W — Map 083D16 — GoogleGeoHack
Name officially adopted in 1951
Official in Canada
19 miles east of the Yellowhead Pass on the Canadian National Railway
Grand Trunk Pacific Railway station built in 1911

“Henry’s House” or “William Henry’s Old House” was a minor trading post near Athabasca Pass. In 1811, while David Thompson [1770–1857] was making his way over the Pass, William Henry, the eldest son of Alexander Henry, provided support on the eastern side of the mountains. He a built a post on the Athabasca River near the mouth of the Miette River, where the trail from the passes reached the head of navigation. At this point travellers coming over the mountains transferred from horses to canoes for the journey down river.

The normal route over the mountains was from Jasper House west to Boat Encampment on the Columbia Riverr. To save time one could take a light (non-freight) 50 miles more up the Athabasca River to Henry’s House and cross the mountains from there. George Simpson [1792–1860] and John McLoughlin used this route in 1824.

William Henry (1783?-1846?) was a fur trader in the service of the North West Company [1779–], and it was after him that this trading post and later locality was named in 1912.

References:

  • Karamitsanis, Aphrodite [1961–]. Place names of Alberta. Volume 1: Mountains, Mountain Parks and Foothills. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1991
  • Bohi, Charles W., and Kozma, Leslie S. Canadian National’s Western Stations. Don Mills, Ontario: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 2002
  • Wikipedia. Henry House

Jasper House National Historic Site of Canada

Alberta. National Historic Site: Athabasca River drainage
At the foot of Jasper Lake on Athabasca River
53.1383 N 117.9806 W — Map 083F04 — GoogleGeoHack
Name officially adopted in 2001
Official in Canada

Jasper House National Historic Site is the site of a fur trading post on the Athabasca River that functioned in two different locations from 1813 to 1884 as a major staging and supply post for travel through the Canadian Rockies.

The post was originally named Rocky Mountain House, but was renamed to avoid confusion with the Rocky Mountain House trading post on the North Saskatchewan River, becoming “Jasper’s House” after the postmaster, Jasper Hawes, who operated the post from 1814 to 1817. The first location is believed to have been at the outlet of Brûlé Lake, downstream from the present site. The second Jasper House was established at the northern end of Jasper Lake in 1830, primarily serving travellers crossing Yellowhead Pass or Athabasca Pass.

The site operated until 1853, and was occasionally used until 1858 when it was reopened seasonally by Henry John Moberly, who operated it into the 1860s. The post was officially closed in 1884 after years of inactivity. From 1891 or 1892 to 1894 the house was used by miner Lewis Swift. The building was destroyed in 1909 when its lumber was used to make a raft by surveyors for the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. Apart from a small cemetery, no significant ruins remain. It was designated a national historic site in 1924, and is marked by a commemorative stone and plaque.

References:

Cowdung Lake

British Columbia. Former unofficial name: Fraser River drainage
Yellowhead Lake
52.8667 N 118.5333 W GoogleGeoHack
Earliest known reference to this name is 1871 (Trutch)
Not currently an official name.
This former unofficial name appears on:
Milton and Cheadle’s map 1865
Trutch’s map of BC 1871
Detail of Trutch 1871 showing “Cowdung L.”

Detail of Trutch 1871 showing “Cowdung L.”

The name “Cowdung L.” appears on B.C. Surveyor General Joseph Trutch’s 1871 map of British Columbia, between Moose Lake and the Yellowhead or Leather Pass.

The name appeared as “Cow dung L.” on John Arrowsmith’s 1859 map.

References:

  • Trutch, Joseph William [1826–1904]. Map of British Columbia to the 56th Parallel North Latitude. Victoria, B.C.: Lands and Works Office, 1871. University of Victoria
  • British Columbia Geographical Names. Yellowhead Lake

Boat Encampment

British Columbia. Former locality: Columbia River drainage
Confluence of Canoe River and Columbia River
52.1167 N 118.4333 W — Map 083D01 — GoogleGeoHack
Earliest known reference to this name is 1811 (David Thompson)
Name officially adopted in 1974
Official in Canada
Paul Kane, “Boat Encampment,” Hudson’s Bay Company voyaguers, oil on canvas, 1849–1856

Paul Kane, “Boat Encampment,” Hudson’s Bay Company voyaguers, oil on canvas, 1849–1856
Royal Ontario Museum ROM2009_11209_41

The site where David Thompson [1770–1857] and his party camped in the winter of 1811, after crossing Athabasca Pass, was submerged by Kinbasket Lake in 1973. “Boat Encampment,” previously an offical name, was cancelled in 1974.

Thus we continued day after day to march a few miles, as the Snow was too wet and too deep to allow the dogs to make any progress ; on the 26th we put up on the banks of the Columbia River, my Men had become so disheartened, sitting down every half mile, and perfectly lost at all they saw around them so utterly different from the east side of the Mountains, four of them deserted to return back ; and I was not sorry to be rid of them, as for more than a month. past they had been very useless, in short they became an incumbrance on me, and the other men were equally so to be rid of them; having now taken up my residence for the rest of the winter I may make my remarks on the countries and the climates we have passed.…

Our residence was near the junction of two Rivers from the Mountains with the Columbia: the upper Stream which forms the defile by which we came to the Columbia, I named the Flat Heart, from the Men being dispirited; it had nothing particular. The other was the Canoe River; which ran through a bold rude valley, of a steady descent, which gave to this River a very rapid descent without any falls.

— Thompson 1812

Thompson’s “Flat Heart River” is now Wood River. It is clear from this text that both the Athabasca Pass and the Canoe river region had been visited earlier than this by his guide, Thomas the Iroquois, and by other Nipissing and Iroquois Indians, but Thompson was the first white man to cross it.

On the 1859 Arrowsmith map it appears as “Canoe Encampment.”

References:

  • Thompson, David [1770–1857]. David Thompson’s Narrative of his explorations in western America, 1784-1812. Joseph Burr Tyrrell, editor. Toronto: Champlain Society, 1916. University of British Columbia
  • Wikipedia. Boat Encampment